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아세안 서밋 2012 (ASEAN SUMMIT 2012)에서 캄보디아, 제 역할 못 해 - 비판의 소리

 


 

Asean Univty Tested Unver Cambodia's Watch

 

By Colin Meyn

THE CAMBODIA DAILY

Friday, November 23, 2012

 

 

Cambodia's time as the chair of Asean has left the regional bloc less united than at any point in its 45-year history, experts said this week. And as Cambodia serves out its final weeks as Asean chair, the failure to address the concerns of regional members in their maritime disputes in the South China Sea may be the lasting legacy of Phnom Penh's time at the helm of the 10-member bloc. 

 

"Cambodia's foreign relations have been held hostage by its intimate ties with China and this limits its own foreign policy choices, thus causing a negative impact on its international image," said Pavin Chachavalpongpun, as associate professor at Kyoto University's Center for Southeast Asian Studies.

 

At the Asean summits in Phnom Penh in April and July, Cambodia was widely accused of better representing the interests of Beijing in the territorial dispute over the South China Sea than representing its regional colleagues. As the chair of the bloc, experts siad, Phnom Penh should have spent more time acting as an independent adjudicator in the contentious sea issue, where Cambodia has no territorial claim, rather than appearing to favor Beijing's position.

 

Signs of the difference in opinion were again on display during this weeks' Asean and East Asia summits when Kao Kim Houm, secretary of state for Cambodia's Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that all 10 members had agreed to settle territorial disputes over islands in the South China Sea through the so-called Asean-China framework. The following day, Philippine President Benigno Aquino Denied that claim, clarifying that Manila had not signaled its agreement to such a consensus. Vietnam also did not sign on to the so-called consensus, and registered its own correction with Phnom Penh privately.

 

Jim Della-Giacoma, project director for the think tank International Crisis Group in Southeast Aisa, siad that Cambodia's inability to facilitate a closing statement at the Asean foreign ministers meeting in July would cast a long shadow over Cambodia's chairmanship and over whatever progress was actually acheived in the region over the past year. 

 

"The failure...to produce a customary communique for the first time in Asean's 45-year history was a public relations debacle that set back the progress on the code of conduct [in the South China Sea] and will be remembered for a long time after any other apparent achievements of the last 12 months have probably been forgotten," Mr. Della-Giacoma said in an email. 

 

The Code of Conduct, a legally binding framework that would stipulate how Asean member states settle territorial disputes in the South China Sea, has become one of the most pressing issues in the region. But Phnom Penh, in line with Beijing's wishes, has insisted on solving the disputes between four of Asean's membersㅡthe Philippines, Vietnam, Malaysia and Bruneiㅡand China bilaterally. On the other side of the dispute, both the Philippines and Vietnam have voiced their preference that Asean solve the dispute as a bloc and the two countries are not opposed to "internationalizing" the issue. 

 

 

 

In the international media, the fractures within Asean became the focus of this week's summit. A headline on a New York Times opinion piece read "Indecision and Infighting: That's the Asean Way." 

"At recent Asean gatherings, Cambodia has appeared to act as a kind of Chinese proxy," the article said. 

 

In an article for Al Jazeera titled "The end of the 'ASEAN way," long-time Philippines-based broadcast journalist Marga Ortigas pointed out that until Cambodia's Asean summits, most journalists joked that it didn't really matter if they missed an Asean meeting, as nothing really happened anyway. 

 

Not any longer though. Asean has changed, thanks to Cambodia, Ms. Ortigas wrote. 

 

"[P]recisely because Cambodia, a nation with deep ties to China, tried to 'stifle' that [South China Sea] issue that things didn't quite go as it had planned," she wrote. 

 

"And just like that, the subject that wasn't supposed to be discussed hijacked the discussions. Much of this happened behind closed doors, but there was no way it was going to remain there...whether ASEAN liked it or not." 

 

Carlyle Thayer, an expert on Southeast Asia who is a professor at the University of New South Wales didn't mince words when summing up Cambodia's past year. "It's the most disastrous chairmanship Asean has ever had." 

 

"Cambodia as chairman has created a rift within Asean," said independent political analyst Lao Mong Hay. "Cambodia should have played a role as an impartial mediator." 

 

Spokesman for the Council of Ministers, Phay Siphan, presented a different view of the government's chairmanship of Asean. 

 

Cambodia had been successful in its efforts to provide a platform for honest discussion between Asean members and the international delegates in attendance this week, Mr. Siphan said. 

 

"We opened a dialogue to maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea. Cambodia tries to maintain a space for everyone to have a dialogue together," he said. 

 

Regarding Cambodia's "unique" relationship with China, Mr. Siphan said that Cmabodia's role in Asean was not to represent China's interest, but rather to facilitate conversations between Beijing and the Asean region. 

 

Still, analysts say the billions of dollars in aid and investment that have been pumped into Cambodia by China makes it hard for Prime Minister Hun Sen to choose Asean's interests over Beijing's. 

 

But, Cambodia may yet need its friends in Asean one day, who are less overbearing than China, said Hal Hill, a professor of Southeast Asian economies at Australian National Universtiy. 

 

"The general story is that [Southeast Aisa] is going to be a Chinese sphere of influence and the countries in the region have to work within that basic parameter," Mr. Hill said. 

 

"That's where Asean is potentially very important for a country like Cambodia, and why Cambodia can ill afford to upset its other members. Asean is by far the best thing going for Cambodia, in terms of regional allies." 

 


 

캄보디아 내 중국의 영향력

 

 

이번주에 막 마친 ASEAN SUMMIT 2012에서 의장국인 캄보디아가 제 역할을 잘 못했다고 비판의 목소리가 강하다. 가장 민감한 이슈인 남중국해 영토 이슈를 놓고 캄보디아가 의장국으로써 중심을 잡지 못하고 중국 편에 섰다고. 

 

현재 캄보디아는 베트남과 아주 친밀한 관계를 맺고 있다. 수많은 베트남인들이 캄보디아로 이민을 오고 있고, 상당수의 베트남인들이 캄보디아 사람들도 구분해내지 못할 정도로 캄보디아어(크마에어)를 수준급으로 구사한다고. 그리고 이런 베트남 사람들에게도 캄보디아 총리를 뽑을 투표권이 주어진단다. 외국인이 자기네 나라를 이끌 사람을 뽑을 권리를 가지고 있다는 것. 캄보디아 사람들에게는 상당한 불만 및 불안 요인으로 작용하고 있다.

 

이런 캄보디아가 ASEAN SUMMIT에서 아시아의 최고로 떠오르고 있는 중국 편에 은근히 섰다니. 태국과 베트남 사이에서 약소국으로 보이는 캄보디아지만 어찌 보면 중국과 손을 잡음으로써 이 틈에서 살아남기 위한 전략을 열심히 구상 중일지도. 화교들은 워낙 전세계 경제를 장악하고 있기로 유명하긴 하지만, 캄보디아에서도 화교들의 상권 장악은 정말 대단. 부동산에서부터 건설, 상점 등 굵직한 것들을 잡고 있다.

 

캄보디아 사람들 중에서 피부가 좀 희다 싶은 사람을 보면 중국계 사람들인 경우가 대다수이다. 다시 말해 그들은 "Khmer-Chen"이라고도 하는데, 캄보디아에 살고 있는 중국 사람들의 후손 또는 중국인과 캄보디아인 사이에서 태어난 혼혈인들이다('Chen'은 캄보디아어로 중국인이라는 의미다). 1960년대 후반과 1970년대 초반, 이들 인구는 약 425,000명으로 캄보디아 내에서 가장 큰 소수민족 그룹이었다고 한다. 그러나 캄보디아 내전과 경기 침체, 크메르 루즈 등으로 1984년에는 61,400명만이 남았다고 한다. 이들은 캄보디아 내에서 상업 및 정치 분야를 이끌고 있는데, 소매업 및 대금업 분야에서 캄보디아 금융을 이끔으로써 크메르 루즈 당시 침체되었던 캄보디아 경제를 살리는 데에 한 몫 하는 동시, 캄보디아 경제의 상당 부분을 장악하며 막대한 부를 쌓고 있다.

 

내가 지금까지 캄보디아에서 보고 경험한 중국계 캄보디아 사람들은 대부분 정말 부유하며 영어에도 능하다. 내가 살고 있는 아파트의 주인도 중국계 캄보디아 사람인데 그는 ground floor는 상점, 그 윗층은 아파트인 건물을 만들어 비지니스도 운영하고 월세도 놓고 있다. 우리 아파트는 최소 30가구이며, 한 달 렌트값이 대략 300~400 USD 정도이니 임대료로만 벌어들이는 수입 역시 대단하다. 이에 그가 운영하고 있는 비지니스까지 합하면 한달에 벌어들이는 수입이 얼마일지 상상이 잘 안 갈 정도이며, 그의 딸들은 그의 경제력답게 고급 승용차를 타고 학교에 통학하고 있다. 물론, 중국인들과 중국계 캄보디아 사람들을 똑같이 보면 안되겠지만 그들이 캄보디아 사회에 미치는 경제적 효과 및 영향력은 실로 엄청나다.

 

특히 중국은 문화적으로도 캄보디아에 많은 영향력을 끼치고 있는데, 그 문화는 그 모습 그대로 유지되고 있거나, 캄보디아 문화 및 캄보디아에 들어온 다른 나라의 문화들(베트남, 태국 혹은 프랑스와 같은 서방세계 문화)과 융합, 변형, 또는 소멸되는 현상을 보인다.

 

 

 

 

중국계 캄보디아 사람들은 캄보디아 내에서 Chinese New Year 명절을 지킨다. 이 명절은 캄보디아 정부에서 공휴일로 지정하지 않고 있으나, 이 기간엔 대부분의 상점과 학교, 시장, 정부 기관들이 문을 닫는다.

 

 

 

 

 

Chinese mid-autumn festival(중추절) 때에는 moon cake(문 케익)이라는 달달한 sweet이 캄보디아 프놈펜 시내 온 길거리에 가득하다.

 

 

 

 

상점에 가면 쉽게 만날 수 있는 중국식 신상.

 

 

 

 

roasted duck 역시 길거리에서 자주 볼 수 있는 중국 문화 중 하나.

 

 

 

 

이것은 캄보디아 사람들이 아침에 보통 쌀국수나 쌀죽과 함께 먹는 "Chaquay(짜끄와이)"라는 튀김빵인데, 중국 문화에서 영향을 받은 것이라고 한다.

 

 

 

 

이 튀긴 빵 역시 중국 문화의 반영이라고 한다.

 

 

 

 

안에 달걀이 들어있는 이 빵 역시 딱 보기에도 중국풍.

 

 

 

 

'Nom Pav(놈 빠으)'라고 불리는 이 호빵 같이 생긴 빵도 중국 문화가 반영된 음식이다. 안에는 달걀이나 고기, 채소 등 여러가지 재료가 들어간다.

 

23 Nov 2012

 

 

(사진 출처 : 

http://kivafellows.wordpress.com/

http://www.cntraveller.com/

http://www.cambodia-picturetour.com/ )

 


 

Cambodia is under Chinese cultural influence: Hun Xen's confession

 

 

 

 

A Chinese-Cambodian woman is preparing an offering for her ancestors' altar during the Chinese New Year on 22 Jan 2012 (Photo: Vohar Cheath, Radio Free Asia)

 

01 Feb 2012

By Vohar Cheath

Radio Free Asia

Translated from Khmer by Ah Tree Teuk Si Iv

 

 

Criticisms have been leveled, stating that “during Chinese New Year, it’s the Cambodians who get drunk” and during the Chinese New Year, Cambodian schoolchildren do not attend schools while government employees do not show up to work. This issue stems from the fact that a number of students, teachers and government employees are Chinese-Cambodians. However, the main problem is the fact that, officially, they do not work to serve the Cambodian people in general.

 

This problem is encountered over and over for the past 20 years and now Hun Xen publicly announced that he does not know how to solve this problem because even his family has Chinese roots.

 

Hun Xen said: “I don’t know what to say because at my home, I can’t do anything about it. For the universal New Year, we all celebrate it together, but when it comes to this Chinese New Year … there’s a group of people who have good intention and they asked us to ban the universal New Year celebration, as well as the Chinese New Year. Now, how can I ban it when I can’t even ban it in my own house. In my house, I’m the only one [not celebrating the Chinese New Year], besides me, they all made [Chinese] offerings, how can I stop this?”

 

Currently, Chinese-Cambodians in Cambodia are leading an easy life in the society. This is different from the past when Chinese-Cambodians used to be harassed and they also suffered racial discrimination. This reason is used by Hun Xen’s to claim that the government should avoid such historical mistake.

 

Hun Xen: “When it comes down to this, how can we stop it? We can’t stop it, [and if we do] it will be accused as racial discrimination. If we stop this [Chinese New Year], then we can’t celebrate the universal New Year, and this involves racial discrimination. We will have to ban Chinese New Year celebration, ban the dragon dance, ban the parade of spirits, when it comes down to that, it is racial discrimination.”

 

Historical documents noted that mainland Chinese migrated to Cambodia during the 30s. These Chinese refugees were nicknamed “raw Chinese” (Chin Chhao), and their children married Cambodians and had children in Cambodia and they are known as “Chinese-Cambodians” (Kaun Chao Chen).

 

A report by William Willmott, a researcher about Chinese in Cambodia, indicated that Chinese in Cambodia became the largest minority group in the country in the 60s. By the end of 1960, Chinese or Chinese-Cambodians numbered about 425,000. However, this number dropped during the subsequent war and during the killing under the Pol Pot genocidal regime, even if during that period the regime maintained a close link with communist China. During Pol Pot regime, Chinese-Cambodians were considered enemies of the revolution and they were classified as compradors who sucked on the blood of the nation’s economy.

 

Documents from 1984 noted that under the People Republic of Kampuchea (PRK) which was supported by Vietnam, the number of Chinese-Cambodians left was about 61,000.

 

Dr. Sok Touch, a political science expert in Cambodia, recalled that during the 80s, under the PRK regime which was politically led by Vietnamese experts, Chinese-Cambodians were blacklisted in the “351” list. This list designated those who do not have proper political attitude and the Viet government during that era did not trust them since the Viets were confronting China during that era.

 

Sok Touch said that the 351 list affected Chinese-Cambodians who held government positions during that period and they were scared that the Viets experts who were ruling the country could demote them and send them to jail, therefore, Chinese-Cambodians had to hide their identity and some even had to change their Chinese-sounding names to Cambodian names.

 

Sok Touch said: “In the past, we know that there were Chinese-Cambodians who led the PRK and they went on to hold power during the 2nd kingdom. All these government officials had to change their names completely and you can see that now their appearance, their behaviors, they are still celebrating Chinese customs whether they are in the government rank or not. Many of them are inside the government rank and file. We cannot talk about their names due to professional ethics, by I know that many Chinese-Cambodians are among our leaders.”

 

Sok Touch added that a number of Chinese-Cambodians fled overseas due to oppression under the PRK regime in which Hun Xen was the minister of Foreign Affairs.

 

Currently, the population of Chinese-Cambodians is growing very quickly. According to statistics maintained by the Teachew Chinese association, currently, the number of Chinese-Cambodians amounted to almost 700,000. At the same time, the major of them have a good living condition, they are rich and they hold high positions within the government.

 

Sok Touch warned that the Chinese culture is greatly influencing Cambodians and the latter are accepting this situation without paying much attention to it: “Currently, we can see that the Chinese culture is exerting 3 pressures: (1) in the language where people are designated by the Chinese way (Ah Hea, Cher, etc…) all over the country, for example, when they see that you have money and you have fair skin, they will call “Ah Hea” right away; (2) Cambodians do not notice that they were being taught by the Chinese, for example, people are eating with chopstick, this is a major influence; (3) foods have been changed, traditional Cambodian noodle (Num Banh-chok) is spurned during breakfast, similarly Cambodian rice cake (Num An-sorm) are being replace by Chinese noodle and Chinese buns instead. These are Chinese influence.”

 

As for government employees taking time off, schools and markets being closed during the Cambodian New Year, Sok Touch said that the government should set clear rules just like it is done in neighboring countries so that the government functions properly during the Chinese New Year and so that no human rights violations or racial discriminations are taking place.

 

 

(출처 : 

http://sokheounpang.wordpress.com/2012/02/01/cambodia-is-under-chinese-cultural-influence-hun-xens-confession/)